中国应要求官员公布财产?.

　　近期美国的FT社评论表明，中国政府应要求官员公布财产，这样就可以直接找到腐败人员，从而快速达到反腐倡廉的目的。那么中国的官员们到底需要公布财产吗?政府恐怕不会打草惊蛇的，请看下面的详细情况：

　　Since Xi Jinping became general secretary of the Communist party in November 2012, China has been convulsed by the biggest anti-corruption drive in its post-1949 history. Nearly 63,000 party officials have been punished, including more than 30 very senior figures. Almost 70 officials under investigation have committed suicide. The campaign reached a new crescendo when, after months of rumours, a formal investigation was launched into Zhou Yongkang, until 2012 a member of the nine-man Standing Committee that runs China.自习近平在2012年11月出任中共中央总书记以来，中国掀起了1949年以来最大规模的反腐败运动。近6.3万名党政官员被查处，其中包括30余名非常高层的人物。近70名受到调查的官员自杀。在传言持续了几个月之后，直到2012年还跻身于中国最高权力核心、身为中共中央政治局九名常委之一的周永康被正式立案审查，使反腐败运动达到一个新的高潮。

　　It is hard to exaggerate the significance of Mr Zhou’s detention. Until he retired in 2012, the former head of state security was one of the most powerful men in China. A former boss of the state-run China National Petroleum Corp, he had huge sway over the oil industry.很难夸大周永康被拘留的意义。在他于2012年退休之前，这名前中央政法委书记是中国最有权力的男人之一。作为国营的中国石油天然气集团公司(CNPC)的前任老板，他在石油行业也曾有过巨大的影响力。

　　His investigation breaks an important taboo. For 25 years, current or former members of the Standing Committee have been spared prosecution. Now the gloves are off. The question is: why? On the face of it, Mr Xi’s actions deserve applause. They have certainly proved popular with Chinese people, who this week flooded the internet with messages of support for the president’s all-out assault. The Communist party is riddled with corruption, putting a serious strain on its legitimacy. Bringing down an untouchable like Mr Zhou sends a message to the Chinese public that the party is serious about cleaning house.他被审查打破了一个重要的禁忌。在25年期间，中共中央政治局的现任或前任常委从无一人被提起公诉。现在，这种“免死金牌”已被剥夺。问题是：为什么?就事论事，习近平的行动应该得到掌声和欢呼。这些行动肯定得到中国普通人的拥护，近日互联网上满是支持中国国家主席重拳反腐的言论。中国共产党内充斥着腐败，这使党对自身的执政合法性难以自圆其说。扳倒一个周永康这样的“碰不得”人物，无异于向中国公众发出了一个信号：党对于清理门户是认真的。

　　Indeed, Mr Xi’s actions have sent a chill across the bureaucracy. Bribe-taking and influence-peddling are so common there must be thousands of cadres who jump every time there’s an unexpected knock at the door. Officials are even scared to be seen dining in expensive restaurants or wearing fancy watches.的确，习近平的行动使整个官僚体系战战兢兢。受贿和以权谋私如此普遍，以至于现在肯定有成千上万的干部听到意想不到的敲门声就会心慌。官员们甚至害怕被人看到在昂贵的餐厅进餐或者佩戴名表。

　　Yet the campaign is not all it seems. The way justice is dispensed in China undermines the claim that this is an even-handed exercise. Courts are not independent, but answer to the Communist party. Judgments are often reached behind closed doors. Conviction rates are above 99 per cent.然而，这场运动的背后另有玄机。中国司法运作的方式让人难以相信这是一场不偏不倚的运动。法院不是独立的，而是要向共产党汇报。判决往往在幕后做出。定罪率在99%以上。

　　Even if Mr Xi is genuine about tackling corruption, the suspicion is his allies will not be touched. His adversaries, on the other hand, are far from safe. Mr Zhou may have paid the price for being associated with Bo Xilai, the former party secretary of Chongqing who was once considered a rival to Mr Xi. Mr Bo was sentenced to life imprisonment for corruption last year. Even bigger heads could roll. Some sort of backlash against Mr Xi cannot be ruled out.即使习近平真心反腐，人们也怀疑他的盟友将不会被波及。而他的对手则难以自保。周永康可能是因为与薄熙来结盟而付出了代价。薄熙来是原重庆市委书记，一度被视为习近平的政治对手，他在去年因腐败罪被判处无期徒刑。就是更加位高权重的人物也可能倒台。不能排除习近平遭到某种反弹的可能性。

　　One theory is that the president is attacking vested interests as a prelude to radical economic rorm. There is a chance that next will come a sustained assault on the bloated state-owned enterprises. Not only have these become a piggy bank for corrupt officials. They are also responsible for much of the investment – some of it wasted – that must be curbed if China is to rebalance its economy. It may be that Mr Xi is planning to use his anti-corruption drive as a springboard for getting these enterprises in order. That, however, is guesswork. Just as likely, the main motive is the consolidation of his own power and the preservation of a Communist party whose reputation has been eaten away by the public perception of corruption.有一种说法是，中国国家主席正在打击既得利益集团，作为大胆经济改革的前奏。接下来臃肿的国有企业有可能面对持续的冲击。国企部门不仅成了贪官的小金库，还要对很大一部分的过度投资负责——其中很多投资是浪费的——如果中国要调整经济结构，就必须遏制这些投资行为。也许习近平计划利用他的反腐败运动作为一个跳板，推动这些企业走上正轨。然而，这只是猜测。同样有可能的是，他的主要动机是巩固自己的权力，维护共产党的统治;党的声誉已被公众眼中的腐败形象严重破坏。

　　If Mr Xi is as serious as his supporters claim about fighting corruption, there is one thing he could do. He should stipulate that all officials, including the most senior ones, disclose their assets. That would help flush out any suspicious activity. In reality, the Communist party has resisted such steps. In June, three activists were handed down heavy jail sentences for demanding precisely that. Until they are released and their demands met, it would not be wise to take the anti-corruption drive at face value.如果习近平对反腐真有他的支持者所称的那么认真，那么，有一件事是他可以做的。他应该规定所有官员——包括最高层的官员——披露自己的资产。这将有助于曝光任何可疑的活动。但在现实中，中共一直在抵制此类措施。今年6月，三名活动人士正是因为要求官员申报资产而被判重刑。在他们获释、他们的诉求得到积极响应之前，我们在看待这场反腐败运动时不能停留在表面。